The former French colonies in West Africa are notorious for their coups, earning them the nickname as the “Coup Belt” of Africa. Recent coups in the region have brought to power broadly popular anti-French and anti-Western military dictators, with the military regime in Niger going so far as to declare that they would ready themselves for war against the French Republic. These juntas have united in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), often hailed as standing up to the West and its partners in Africa and building on the resentment of young Africans towards their respective establishments. These anti-Western policies and popular opinions have resulted in the withdrawal of Western forces and opened the door for Russia and other powers to take an increasingly active role in West African security affairs.
The West African Juntas legitimise themselves through a populist narrative in which they place themselves as fighting on behalf of the people against a nefarious elite: the West and its local partners. Populism is understood as an ideology that focuses on a dichotomy between an immoral elite and a moral citizenry—a framework that resonates very well with the West African juntas.
The West African Context
West Africa is one of the poorest regions on earth, suffering from severe instability and underdevelopment. The area has continued its dependency on France well after its official independence in 1960. As part of the African Financial Community, West African states were, until 2021, obligated to keep at least half of their currency reserves in France. This was ostensibly to guarantee the convertibility of the Communauté Financière Africaine (CFA) Franc, but also secured tremendous power over West African financial resources. The fact that the French Central Bank is responsible for printing CFA Franc notes until today illustrates this point even further.
French companies have historically dominated West African economies, even as other foreign companies have replaced French corporations in large enterprises—something which has occurred well before the coups that installed the regimes which would later form the AES. This situation led to the sentiment that France has and continues to exploit West Africa, which, coupled with the reality that local elites have used the opportunity to enrich themselves and maintain power, has created significant discontent. In such a context, the opportunity is ripe to utilise populist narratives in order to build support and legitimise autocratic regimes.
The Alliance of Sahel States
The populist narrative pursued by West Africa’s military juntas is evident in the founding of AES. However, the alliance was originally founded as a response to fears that the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) might intervene against the newly established military regimes. General Tchiani, the military ruler of Niger, described their aim as creating “an AES of the peoples” and contrasted the AES with ECOWAS, describing the latter as taking instructions from foreign powers. In essence, the military leader portrays AES as an element to combat the influences they hold responsible for West African poverty and instability. The French and their partners are framed as an alien influence for AES to combat while simultaneously restoring the authentic leadership of the people.
The narrative of military leaders standing up against foreign oppressors on behalf of the people can also be seen in other areas, notably in connection with defence cooperation, natural resources, and International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans. At one point, reports circulated that Burkina Faso’s Traore had rejected IMF and World Bank assistance, motivated by a desire to break free from foreign exploitation and would finally work for the benefit of its citizens. The move was widely reported and hailed as a revolutionary act ending African dependency. The reports, however, were incorrect. Traore has taken three IMF assistance packages so far, which should not distract from how these reports framed Traore as a leader standing up against perceived elite oppression to advance his people’s interests at the expense of the Western elite.
The AES States have previously relied heavily on French military support to fight Boko Haram, an Islamist insurgency active in West Africa. France’s withdrawal has had predictable effects on the security situation. Lacking the capabilities of the French forces, the AES States have lost ground to the Islamist insurgents. The narrative accompanying the expulsion of French forces was that of ending an exploitative partnership and restoring national sovereignty. The military leaders portray themselves as being able to accomplish victory over the Islamists, while the French are seen by some as not actually engaged in counterterrorism and even supporting the Islamists in an effort to keep the AES countries dependent on France. Furthermore, the French were seen as an element of oppression and insecurity, where military leaders could portray themselves as standing up for their people.
Across various domains, the AES States consistently pursue populist narratives and policies, centring the people of the AES as exploited by Western and Western-aligned elites, placing the military leaders as the only ones willing to protect the people against the elite. In the context of West Africa, where colonial exploitation has indeed taken place and continued past independence, this is a quite convincing narrative—one that is also clearly misused to the detriment of the region to continue the support of military dictatorships.
Although exceptions might exist in certain domains, an argument can be made that the nationalisation of natural resources could bring long-term benefits to AES countries. However, the populist narrative and policies employed by the military leaders of the AES benefit the juntas foremost, rather than the people of West Africa.
Written by Titus Hiller, Edited by Hannah Shaffer
Photo Credit: “Soldiers are on patrol with their weapons ready” by Alexander McKinley (uploaded 2025, March 9) on Unsplash.
